Indonesian democracy takes another hit

Indonesian Democracy Faces New Challenges

On March 20, 2025, the Indonesian government passed revisions to the Armed Forces Law (UU TNI), prompting significant backlash from civil society organizations. These revisions notably increase the military’s role in civilian affairs, permitting active military members to hold positions in various civilian ministries, rising from 10 to 14. This expansion includes non-war military operations in areas such as anti-terrorism, disaster management, and cyber security. The military’s involvement in public programs, such as distributing free school lunches, reflects President Prabowo Subianto’s push for greater militarization in public life.

Following the amendment’s passage, the military struck a deal with Udayana University to provide national defense training to students. In response to protests against the amendments, the military intervened in student activism in various cities. Maintaining strong opposition to this military encroachment is vital to protect Indonesia’s democratic gains made post-Suharto’s dictatorship. Due to a lack of dissenting voices in Parliament, public pressure is crucial for sustaining democracy.

Between March 20 and 29, mass protests erupted in at least 72 cities. Although this mobilization signals robust pro-democracy sentiments, surveys highlight challenges in maintaining collective pressure on the government. A Pew Research Center finding from 2024 shows that 85% of Indonesians favor democratic governance, parallel to findings from the Asian Barometer in 2021 which revealed that over 85% believe democracy is the best system.

However, interpretations of democracy vary among Indonesians, leading to distinct forms of support: intrinsic, based on core democratic values, and instrumental, linking democracy to tangible benefits such as economic development. Despite widespread support for democratic ideals, a significant portion of the population is willing to sacrifice democratic principles for economic advancement. For instance, 64.9% prioritized economic development over democracy, and 68% favored efforts to reduce economic inequality over political freedoms.

This conditionality in demands for democracy poses risks if military involvement in governance is framed as necessary for promoting development. President Prabowo’s administration has leveraged this narrative to justify military deployment for efficiency. While public satisfaction with democracy is relatively high, perceived bureaucratic overlaps rather than threats to democratic standards largely inform opposition to military law reforms.

Additionally, historical data illustrates a considerable support for military intervention during governmental incompetence, reflecting a preference for order over overt democratic practices. Even though many Indonesians recognized civil rights and free elections as essential democratic components, a significant portion favored military actions in crises.

Since his election, Prabowo has shown disdain for democratic opposition, downplaying protests and suggesting that dissent threatens national stability. This narrative may deter less active citizens from opposing undemocratic actions. With the UU TNI amendments enacted, parliament plans to push forward controversial bills, including those enhancing police powers and tightening media regulations.

In response, pro-democracy groups are actively raising awareness on social media regarding the risks posed by these changes to democratic integrity. Although recent protests demonstrate public capability for mobilization to safeguard civil supremacy, the crucial question remains about the sustainability of this mobilization in the long term.

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